Getting into Jerusalem proved far easier that getting out. I sit here in the middle of a huge atrium, with about 30 minutes to before I board my flight, and having spent the best of the last 90 minutes bring questioned and meticulously searched by staff here at the airport. For first time in my life I experienced an intimate body search, and all while I make small talk about the size of my waist to mask my nervousness at the thought of this giant of a man feeling parts of me few have had the inclination or desire to do in the past.
Nearly five terribly swift weeks in the holy lands, and what have I learnt in my time in Jerusalem? As I prepared my things earlier on and organised myself for my return trip to Istanbul, a number of thoughts were rushing through my mind, many of which I will explore in a fuller talk that I am preparing to deliver to Jewish-Muslim students in Birmingham in two weeks time. I was also preoccupied with thoughts of the some tragic family news I had heard earlier this morning.
I believe in hope. There is always hope. We must never forget that, but there are also certain concerns that worry me which somehow tend to slash this very same hope. As I get older this occurs more and more. Israel is one such worry. The holy lands are an unusual place, full of at least three thousand years of history, but principally from the Roman and Muslim periods onwards, and yet outside of this country, apart from devotees of the faiths, most people associate Israel with a state that occupies the lands of others. For the two million Palestinian Arabs who remain as Israeli citizens, the feeling of occupation however is palpable enough to them. While the general pattern is that they are just getting on as well as they can, with a tiny percentage doing well through business and trade, the vast majority feel the pressure of being penned in by a security state that is deeply conservative, centralised, and, dare I mention the word, racist.
But it would be wrong to paint a blanket picture here. Not all Israeli Jews are the same, far from it. Of the five million or so who live and work here, around 5 per cent are ultra-orthodox, but yet they make the most noise and are heard the loudest. Among these few, there are around 150 different factions, and they are deeply divided. Most Israeli Jews are anything from liberal-moderates to staunchly secularist. These latter groups have so much in common with liberal-moderate and staunchly secularist Muslims, but if only both groups fully appreciated it. Those on the right of politics tend to disagree with such notions the most; these people are wealthier, live more exclusive lives, tend to be well-educated and well-travelled, but are also rather bigoted, reactionary and conservative. Those on the left of politics tend to be more tolerant, more open, but also more critical of authority. This applies here in Jerusalem as it does pretty well anywhere else in the world right now.
There are certain things that have disturbed me as I looked upon this city. Occupational and residential segregation, for one. Arabs and Jews hardly share the same spaces in schools, neighbourhoods or in various employment settings. Jews are also divided by ethnicity, class, politics and religiosity; for example the influx of Russian Jews who like vodka is in stark contrast to the Ethiopian Jews who serve coffee at Aroma or act as runners in the airport. Aspects of the machinery of the state are deeply problematic: laws are discriminatory and enacted by biased judges; from those that prevent Arabs and Jews from marrying, to those that prevent from being recognised Arab-Israeli political parties that are not outwardly loyal to Zionism. And, the wall – that confounded wall! Standing up close and personal to it makes you think of one thing. A prison! Arab villages around for centuries have been partitioned. Some families need to travel 90 minutes to the nearest checkpoint to get to the other side of the wall to visit their loved ones who were previously a ten minute walk away.
Invariably, as a critical sociologist, my natural instinct to take the side of the oppressed, the dispossessed, the marginalised, and to look at systems and all their failings. Of course, Arabs could always do more to show openness and acceptance, but the reality is far from perfect for them. From 1948, to 1967, to two Intifadas, the Palestinian Arabs are of the firm view that resistance is futile. All it does is to irritate the bear who crushes the irritating fly with one clean swoop of its giant claws!
Inevitably, politics comes to the fore, and I am of the view that politics is rather best left to politicians, who will only ever continue to make a mess of things. So I keep my analytical hat on as best I can and talk about the positives.
I presented to a number of students in Jerusalem and talked about my work. One two occasions, I reminded people that however much we all get excited about our identities and wish to protect and nurture them, in the context of internal and external challenges and opportunities to them, as human begins we are all the same. East and West are constructions of each other – and it is no accident that at the intersections of these points, whether here in Jerusalem or indeed in Istanbul, more energy is put into emphasising differences rather than similarities. Strip away the extremist religious codes, the inward-looking politics, notions of some kind of memory around some kind of identity, and we are all the same. This is what I want to focus on, and will do so in far greater detail in my talk two weeks from now. Adieu.

